解讀中共二十大報告

2022年10月16日，中共中央總書記習近平在約兩個小時內向中共二十大作開幕報告。他的講話具有政治意義，本文旨在對習近平二十大報告的主要內容進行梳理和分析。

意識形態仍居指導地位

與以往在重大場合發表的講話一樣，習近平在致辭中首先提到了邁向執政第二個100年的中國共產黨，在社會主義現代化建設中的領導作用。他說，這次大會的主題是「高舉中國特色社會主義偉大旗幟」，「全面貫徹新時代中國特色社會主義思想」，「全面推進中華民族偉大復興而團結奮鬥」。

接着，他回顧了十年來的辛勤工作，包括中共在推動建設小康社會進程、促進高質量發展、落實人民民主、推進依法治國、保障和改善民生、實施脫貧攻堅戰等方面的辛勤工作。同時，中共必須防止危機的發生，採取大國外交，實施黨史教育，並通過堅持動態清零的防疫政策，動員人民遏制新冠病毒及其變種的傳播。

然後，習近平話鋒一轉，談到了落實「全面管治權」、確保「愛國者治港」的原則。結果，正如他在2022年7月1日強調的那樣，香港實現「由亂到治」的轉折。接下來，他又談到台灣問題，強調大陸要同那些台獨勢力分裂活動作鬥爭，維護國家主權、領土完整的核心利益，掌握和維護國家安全的主動權。

顯然，習近平在報告一開始就闡述了中共的貢獻，關注香港和台灣──這與他之前的講話相比，是一個非常不尋常的開端。

然後，習近平又提到馬列主義、毛澤東思想、鄧小平理論，以及「三個代表」和「科學發展觀」的思想，並說這些思想必須在中國特色社會主義新時代和現代化建設中堅持和貫徹。

顯然，意識形態仍然在中國政治和經濟的發展中居指導地位──外界觀察人士在更深入地研究中國政治之前必須了解這一現象。

習近平強調，馬克思主義中國化，確保黨的權威和統一領導得到保障，9600萬黨員的團結比以往任何時候都更加牢固。

在這裏，習近平強調中國共產黨的領導力和長期執政，這意味着未來數十年的目標是邁向第二個100年，這確實是一項非常積極和雄心勃勃的任務。

建設強大的黨國

接下來，習近平又談到中國十年來的經濟成就，強調馬克思主義思想仍然重要，社會主義現代化建設是國家的任務，以人民為中心的發展思想要深入貫徹。在幼有所育、學有所教、勞有所得、病有所醫、老有所養、住有所居、弱有所扶上要持續用力。他補充說，堅持「共同富裕」要取得新成效。

除了民生，生態環境保護和可持續發展對中國的發展至關重要。廣義地說，國家安全觀包括抗擊自然災害；打擊有組織犯罪；實現對國家主權、安全和發展利益的保護；最重要的是建設一支強大的軍隊。

顯然，習近平和其他中共領導人非常熱衷於建設一個以維護國家安全為核心的強大的黨國。有趣的是，安全這個詞在整個報告中多次出現，說明這是中國最關心的問題。

接下來，習近平表示要全面推進中國特色大國外交，反對一切霸權主義和強權政治，反對任何單邊主義、保護主義和霸凌行徑。

習近平的報告不點名卻明顯暗指某個超級大國。

有趣的是，他話題一轉，關注起全面從嚴治黨，說明反腐工作的必要性。他強調，即使反腐工作可能「得罪千百人」，也要「不負十四億」──這意味着反腐工作要繼續推進、深入和激發全黨響應。正如他所說，要「確保黨永遠不變質、不變色、不變味」。

習近平在報告中提出了建設強國的藍圖，即2020年至2035年基本實現社會主義現代化；2035年到本世紀中葉2035年底建成「和諧美麗」的社會主義現代化強國。

但是，他告誡中共黨員，要保持危機意識，為應對未來數年乃至數十年的危機和挑戰乃至風暴做好準備。但是，中共黨員不懼壓力，能夠積極、有韌性、有活力地應對挑戰。

在這點上，習近平和他的智囊顯然不僅是馬克思列寧主義的，而且是毛澤東/黑格爾主義的，因為他們都認為，保持高度危機意識的精神和價值是所有黨員都需要的。從某種意義上說，習近平和現任中國領導人都把重點放在改革和加強上層建築的需要上，同時繼續把重點放在提高生產力和鞏固經濟基礎上。如果說鞏固經濟基礎是中國實用主義者的標誌，那麼習近平和他的智囊顯然充滿了這種想法。但習近平及其親信的獨特之處在於，他非常重視上層建築（價值觀、精神、教育、制度）的完善和鞏固，以確保中國共產黨的長期執政。

如果把毛澤東看作是一位專注於不斷革命的中國領導人，那麼習近平可以被看作是他的信徒，強調黨的不朽和黨的「自我革命」的重要性──這是他在報告中使用的一個關鍵詞。

加強上層建築和經濟基礎

在這份二十大報告中，習近平及其親信的獨特之處在於，他們也強調在經濟基礎上發展和加速生產力的應用。技術是達到目的之手段，即目標是從現在到未來使中國強大。因此，人才培養是中國科技和經濟成功的關鍵。接着，習近平在報告中迅速轉向教育領域，談及培養人才、創造人才和留住人才。

對於習近平及其親信而言，中國的民主就是人民民主，即人民當家作主；一方面堅持黨的領導，另一方面人民群眾的利益和福祉是中國共產黨最關心的問題。在這方面，人民和黨的關係要做到統一。在報告中使用「人民」一詞時，就像《中國的民主白皮書》所說，人民必須參與選舉諮詢、決策過程、管理、監督，必須發揮他們的主動性和創造力。根據習近平的報告，人民可以積極參與基層組織、工會和人民代表大會──中國式的民主機制。

報告再次強調以人民為本，加強中國的上層建築和經濟基礎，這一點非常引人注目──這表明馬克思主義、毛澤東思想和實用主義在習近平政治思想中的獨特結合。

習近平認為，在中國現代化進程中，法治很重要。法律可以創造公正的社會，幫助治理，促進科學的立法方式，引導政策的實施，並確保人民遵守。

從某種意義上說，習近平及其親信在政治思想上也是法家，以法律為手段，促進生產力發展，促進社會公正，處理社會偏差，最重要的是維護社會和秩序。政治秩序。

習近平在報告中還呼籲人民要有文化自信，有了文化自信，包括大眾傳媒、互聯網、人民的公民文化、道德品行和價值觀、文化發展等社會政治凝聚力能夠而且將會實現。自信心被視為增強包括全體黨員在內的普通民眾的思想意識關鍵因素，以使社會主義現代化能夠而且將會成功實現。

習近平又談及社會分配制度應該公平，政府應致力擴大中間階層的收入，同時加強幫助就業、脫貧的工作、社會福利和公共住房及公共衛生服務，目的是在全社會踐行社會主義核心價值觀。

最後，他強調了建設綠色中國的必要性，既要保持生態保護，又要進行能源革命。

重申維護主權決心

整個報告的結尾重複了國家安全的重要性──這反映了在世界瞬息萬變、充滿不確定性的新時代，中國領導層如何如此關注內外安全。報告最後提到軍隊和國防現代化，強調黨領導軍隊建設進程。

隨後，習近平又轉向香港和澳門的一國兩制，重覆「愛國者」治港治澳的原則，同時表示中國將盡最大努力爭取和平統一的前景。但是，根據習近平的說法，中國大陸不會不承諾放棄使用武力，保留採取一切必要措施的選項。他還強調，這針對的是外部勢力干涉和極少數台獨分裂分子及其分裂活動。

報告給美國和台灣的信息其實很清楚：警告美國不要干涉中國內政，即未來定會統一台灣；台灣領導層絕不能做任何破壞中國統一的事，並重申維護主權的決心。

習近平使用了必須實現「祖國完全統一」的字眼──這是一個非常重要的言論，暗示中國可能有一個時間表來處理未來幾年台灣的政治未來。

在外交政策上，習近平強調中國的和平共處原則，堅持經濟全球化和國際關係民主化。報告中使用「民主化」一詞，是指中國對外在外交政策上相當自由，同時強調公平、正義、和平、發展、民主和自由的原則。

最後，習近平強調了從嚴治黨的原則。黨要堅持「自我革命」，對社會主義事業的成就不能沾沾自喜。他重申，黨的堅強領導對中國來說是必要的，中國共產黨必須在發展和現代化的全過程中不斷完善和加強自身。他呼籲廣大青年發揮領導黨和中華民族的重要作用，擔負起責任，弘揚理想，使社會主義現代化建設前景更加光明。

總結

總體而言，習近平的報告在幾個方面給人留下了深刻的印象。

首先，如前所述，他強調了中國上層建築與經濟基礎之間的互動關係。強調如何通過價值觀轉變來更新上層建築，通過維護社會主義精神和意識形態，通過技術發展和人才培養來鞏固經濟基礎，確實引人注目。中國在一定程度上仍然是明顯的馬克思列寧主義和毛澤東思想政黨，而在經濟現代化中可以看到實用主義。

其次，強調「愛國者」治港治澳，證明了中共對社會和政治穩定的高度關注，特別是在香港問題上。然而，隨着 2020 年 6 月下旬《香港國安法》的頒布，香港現在已經穩定下來，從而經歷了「由亂及治」的過程──習近平在他的報告和早在2022年7月1日香港的講話中強調了這一點。港澳兩地有望在未來幾年更深入地融入大灣區，助力一國兩制行穩致遠。

第三，台灣仍是中國未來幾年的優先問題。在這裏，美國的角色受到了含蓄的警告。此外，統一台灣的時間表似乎隱藏在報告中，也沒有明確說明。但「完全統一」一詞在這樣的中國官方報告中首次出現──意味着大陸有決心解決台灣政治前途的問題，或許比預期的要早。

第四，中國在經濟、社會、文化、教育、政治和環境等各個方面的現代化進程中，仍然是一個非常強大的發展型國家。中國崛起的特點是這個非常強大的國家，這在現代中國歷史上或許是前所未有的。目標是確保中國共產黨在未來幾十年的長期執政，以「第二個100年」的代號為最終目標。

第五，中國對外政策的特點是對外自由主義、多邊主義、不干涉主義和相互尊重他國價值觀。中國的這種自由主義外交政策已經對世界上一些國家構成了威脅，尤其是在中國經濟和技術發展迅速和先進的情況下，而中國的軍隊正在經歷如此迅速的轉型和現代化，以至於世界上許多國家，不了解中國在清朝的歷史屈辱，可能無法完全把握中國人的心態。正如報告所說，強大的軍事和國防是中國克服自古以來的弱點，實現中華民族復興的必要條件。但中國在軍事上是防禦性的，而不是進攻性的，這與「中國威脅論」者和觀察家經常說的不同。

總之，習近平總的報告具有政治意義。它標誌着從馬克思主義的角度來看，中國領導層是如何處理上層建築和經濟基礎的獨特配置，這兩個要素之間存在密切而動態的相互作用。中國的上層建築可以促進其經濟基礎生產力的發展，反之亦然──這說明了馬克思主義、列寧主義、毛澤東思想和實用主義的意識形態如何以一種非常中國化和獨特的方式混合在一起。香港和澳門仍然是一國兩制的典範，中共的願景是讓兩地成功，同時強調其在兩地的全面管治權和國家安全利益。因此，香港和澳門必須繼續努力，緊密融入大灣區和內地，積極和建設性地利用中央政府的大力支持。台灣仍是中國統一努力的最終目標，未來幾年兩地互動肯定會更加活躍，這意味着美國必須為各種突發情況做好準備，促進兩岸和平統一，而不是阻撓兩岸和平。中國發展的狀態在整個報告中是顯而易見的，而中國的外交政策基本上是非常自由的。最後，對中國威脅的認知，自然而然地縈繞在那些對中國歷史不甚了解，可能對中國國家和民族抱有偏見的人的腦海中。總體而言，習近平的報告是我們客觀認識中國政治格局很好的路線圖。

Decoding the Report to China’s 20th Party Congress

On October 16, 2022, the General Secretary of the Communist Party of China (CPC), Xi Jinping, delivered his report to the opening session of the 20th Party Congress in about two hours. His speech was politically important, and this essay goes through and analyzes the main content of Xi Jinping’s report.
As with his previous speeches in major occasions, Xi Jinping opened his address by mentioning the leading role of the CPC in constructing socialist modernization and stepping toward the second 100 anniversary of the ruling party in China. He added that the main theme of the Congress is to raise the banner of “Chinese style socialism,” to implement “socialism thought with Chinese style in the new era,” and to “struggle for the renaissance of the Chinese nation.”

He then reviewed the diligent work in the past ten years, including how the Party has promoted the process of achieving affluence in China, developing high quality development, implementing the people’s democracy and the rule of law, protecting the people’s livelihood and addressing the issue of poverty. At the same time, the Party must prevent the occurrence of crises, adopt great power diplomacy, implement party history education, and mobilize the citizens to contain the spread of Covid-19 and its variants through the persistence of the dynamic zero-Covid policy.

Then Xi Jinping quickly shifted to the topic of Hong Kong in which he said the principles of implementing “comprehensive jurisdiction” and ensuring the “patriots” governing the city have been carried out. As a result, as he had already stressed on July 1, 2022, Hong Kong was changed from “chaos to governance.” Then he shifted to the issue of Taiwan and emphasized that China has to struggle against those Taiwan “separatists” and to maintain its national sovereignty, development and core interest and to grasp the initiative of protecting Beijing’s security.

Obviously, Xi Jinping at the onset of his report laid out the contributions of the CPC and was concerned about Hong Kong and Taiwan – a very unusual beginning in his previous speeches.

Then Xi turned to Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and Deng Xiaoping thought as well as “the three representatives” and “scientific development” perspective, adding that these ideologies and thoughts have to be maintained in the context of China’s socialist development and modernization.

Clearly, ideologies remain the most important shaper in Chinese political and economic development – a phenomenon that outside observers must understand before they study Chinese politics more deeply.

Xi Jinping emphasized that Marxism has been Sinified in China, ensuring that the Party’s authority and united leadership can be protected while making solidarity of its 96 million members stronger than ever before.

Here, the leadership and longevity of the CPC are emphasized, meaning that the objective is to achieve its second 100 anniversary in the coming decades – a very positive and ambitious task indeed.

Then Xi Jinping turned to the economic achievements of China in the past decade, emphasizing that the ideology of Marxism remains important, that socialist modernization is the task of the mainland, and that the people-centered thought refers to the need of the Party to deal with the welfare of all ordinary citizens, ranging from education to medical health, from residence to poverty alleviation, from social welfare protection to the happiness of the masses. He added that the idea of “common prosperity” will have to be persisted.

Apart from the people’s livelihood, environmental protection and sustainability are crucial to China’s development, which embraces security in the broad sense of fighting natural disasters; combatting organized crime; achieving the protection of national sovereignty, security and development interest; and most importantly developing a strong military.

Clearly, Xi Jinping and other CPC leaders are very keen to develop a strong Party-state in mainland China with the central concern about the protection of national security. It is interesting to see the word security appearing many times in the entire report, illustrating China’s foremost concern.

Xi Jinping then turned to China’s great power diplomacy and rejected hegemonism, strong power politics, unilateralism and protectionism.

Without naming any country, the report is obvious in which superpower that General Secretary Xi referred to in an implicit manner.

Interestingly, he shifted immediately to domestic concern about a strict approach to dealing with Party discipline, indicating the necessity of anti-corruption work. He stressed that even if anti-corruption work may antagonize thousands of party members, it is necessary to avoid letting down the wishes of billions of Chinese citizens – a powerful statement meaning that anti-corruption work has to continue to consolidate, rejuvenate and energize the CPC. The objective is to make the Party’s colors, qualities and tastes remain unchanged, as he said.

In his report, Xi Jinping laid out a blueprint for China’s strong developmental state, namely it will have to realize socialist modernization from 2020 to 2035, and then it will build up a “harmonious and beautiful” socialist modernization country from 2035 to the end of this mid-century.

However, he warned the CPC members that they have to maintain their crisis consciousness, preparing to cope with crises and challenges and even storms in the coming years and decades. However, CPC members are not afraid of pressure and can cope with challenges positively, resiliently and energetically.

Here, Xi Jinping and his think tank are obvious not only Marxist-Leninist but also Maoist/Hegelian because they all believe that the spirit and value of maintaining a high degree of crisis consciousness are necessary for all CPC members. In a sense, Xi and the current Chinese leaders are focusing on the need to reform and strengthen the superstructure, while maintaining the emphasis on accelerating the productive forces and consolidating the economic base. If the consolidation of the economic base is a hallmark of Chinese pragmatists, Xi and his think tank members clearly are imbued with this idea. But what is unique about Xi and his protégé is the strong emphasis on the improvement and consolidation of the superstructure (values, spirits, education, institution) so that the CPC longevity will be ensured.

If Mao Zedong was regarded as a Chinese leader focusing on permanent revolution, Xi Jinping can be seen as his protégé emphasizing the importance of Party immortality and Party’s “self-revolution” – a key word he used in his report.

What is unique about Xi Jinping and his protégé in this 20th Party Congress report is that they also emphasize the use of technology in the development and acceleration of productive forces in the economic base. Technology is a means to an end, namely the objective of making China strong from now to the future. As such, talents cultivation is the key to China’s technological and economic success. Then Xi Jinping in his report shifted quickly to the area of education in which talents have to be groomed, created and retained.

For Xi Jinping and his protégé, Chinese democracy refers to the people’s democracy, meaning that the people are the masters who uphold the Party leadership on the one hand and whose benefits and welfare are the foremost concern of the CPC on the other. In this aspect, the relationships between the people and the Party are to achieve unison. When the word people are used in the report, as with the White Paper on Chinese democracy, the people must participate in elections consultation, policymaking process, management, supervision and their initiatives and creativity must be unleashed. The people, according to Xi Jinping’s report, can participate actively in grassroots-level organizations, unions and the people’s congresses – mechanisms of Chinese-style democracy.

Again, the emphasis on the people as the basis of strengthening the superstructure and economic base of China is very striking in the report – an indication of a unique mixture of Marxism-Maoism and pragmatism in the political thoughts of Xi Jinping.

In the process of China’s modernization, the rule of law is important, according to Xi Jinping. Laws can create a just society, help governance, promote scientific way of legislation, lead to implementation of policies, and ensure the people to abide by them.

In a sense, Xi Jinping and his protégé are also legalist in their political thought, utilizing laws as a means to promote the development of the productive forces, to improve social justice, to deal with social deviants, and most importantly to maintain the social and political order.

Xi Jinping in his report also appealed to the people to have confidence, confidence in which social and political cohesion can and will be achieved, including the mass media, the Internet, the civic culture of citizens, their moral conduct and values, and cultural development. Self-confidence is seen as a key element to strengthen the mindset of the ordinary people, including all Party members, so that socialist modernization can and will be achieved successfully.

Then Xi Jinping turns to the social distribution system which he says should be fair, but the government is keen to expand the middle sector’s income while strengthening employment, anti-poverty work, and social welfare and public housing as well as public health provision. The aim is to consolidate the socialist elements of China in its entire society.

Finally, he emphasized the need for a green China where ecological protection will be maintained, and where energy revolution needs to be conducted.

The entire report ends in a repetition of the importance of national security – a reflection of how the Chinese leadership is so concerned about internal and external security in a new era in which the world is changing so rapidly with great uncertainties. The modernization of the military and defense came at the end of the report, which stresses the Party leading the military construction process.

Then Xi Jinping turned to the “one country, two systems” in Hong Kong and Macau, repeating the principles of “patriots” ruling the two places while saying that China will strive to use peaceful reunification to cope with Taiwan’s future. However, China cannot renounce the use of force if necessary, according to the General Secretary. He also stressed that the resort to force aims at targeting at a minority of “separatists” in Taiwan and the external forces’ intervention.

原刊於Platforma，本社獲作者授權翻譯及轉載。

盧兆興

資深時事評論員、香港大學專業進修學院常務副院長（文學及科學）。此前為前香港教育學院文理學院副院長、社會科學系教授兼系主任。他專長研究香港及澳門政治、大中華跨境犯罪問題，學術成就備受國際肯定。他出版了11本個人學術著作，包括《澳門的政治轉變》（Political Change in Macao），該書於2009年10月獲得澳門基金會頒發一等奬。

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